At the beginning of the 20th century, there were just 50,000 Jews in the Holy Land, forming less than 10 percent of the population. From that modest start, Israelis spent almost their entire history fighting and growing, growing and fighting. Faced with the prospect of annihilation, Israelis had no choice but to fight and prevail. As a result, they developed a military and a fighting spirit that, particularly between about 1956 and 1980, became the envy of the world.
Now, David has become Goliath. In 1982 Israel invaded Lebanon, a country which at that time was little more than a collection of militias, none of which had a single modern tank. Since then the mighty Israeli Army has fought nothing but enemies far weaker than itself. That has sapped the national spirit and led to sharp internal divisions.
The signs of weakness are everywhere. Israel’s troops have become so dispirited that they pursue terrorists while riding in 60-ton tanks. Other soldiers appear afraid to expose themselves to harm, and send Palestinian civilians to knock on doors in the refugee camps. Week in and week out, Israeli soldiers are photographed weeping over their comrades’ graves; yet each Palestinian casualty brings out thousands of mourners who shout for revenge. Palestinian motivation is so strong–created by 30 years of occupation–that even women have began to act as suicide bombers.
It is true that by this calculus, much more Palestinian blood will flow than Jewish, a fact that should make Mr. Arafat pause. In the long run, however, it is Israel that has no escape. Should the uprising go on, then Israel will be defeated just as surely as the Americans were beaten in Vietnam, the Soviets in Afghanistan and so on.
Defeat, of course, will not take the same form. There will be no column of tanks flying a Palestinian flag driving into Tel Aviv. Israelis will not leave the country and return to the Diaspora as some Palestinians fondly hope. What defeat does mean is that Israel, reeling under incessant blows, will cease to exist as a functioning polity. Nor will it simply be a question of Jews fighting Arabs: there is an excellent chance that the intifada will spark off a civil war between Jew and Jew. Yitzhak Rabin, who couldn’t bring himself to believe in that possibility and refused to wear a bulletproof vest, has been dead for more than six years now.
To restore Israel’s ability to strike at its enemies, it is necessary to pull out of the occupied areas and build a wall. In theory, that wall should be so tall that not even the birds can fly over it. History shows that walls can work. The Roman Limes, or border, kept the barbarians out for several hundred years, as did the Great Wall of China. The wall between Greek and Turkish Cypriots works. For decades the Berlin wall turned that city into a very secure place indeed. Even today the security fence that runs around the Gaza Strip all but prevents Palestinian terrorists from crossing into Israel. But against all military logic, Israel and its Army insist on standing on both sides of the fence instead of one.
The story of modern Israel is unique. Having been humiliated and mistreated like no other people in history, the Jews rose and returned to their ancient homeland after 2,000 years. This is a tale of almost unprecedented heroism and self-sacrifice. And not so long ago, that heroism was capable not only of leading to very great military feats, but also of commanding the admiration of people the world over. Now, unless it does what has to be done, Israel stands in grave danger of losing not just the struggle, but its soul.
