That’s a big boost in Indonesia these days. By flushing money out of corrupt pockets and pouring it into the working economy, the June 7 ballot is giving the nation a surprising lift out of its post-Suharto funk. The new president, B. J. Habibie, is spending $1.3 billion on the hardware and staff for a real election. Instead of a bogus contest with two official opposition parties and a preordained winner–the ruling Golkar party–there are now 48 parties spending all they can raise on a genuine race. Foreign countries have pitched in $100 million to help ensure a clean result–including a $30 million computer network to replace human ballot counters. In all, says the Economics Ministry, election spending could boost Indonesia’s GDP 1 percent in 1999–enough to push near-zero growth into the black.
Even before its official start on May 19, the campaign is Indonesia’s most visible growth industry. Small textile factories are paying overtime to turn out party caps, jackets and T shirts; those bearing the water buffalo symbol of Megawati Sukarnoputri’s Indonesian Democratic Struggle Party are a particular favorite on the streets. Village women are sewing millions of party banners and flags; young men hang flags and build local party offices, sometimes in return for nothing more than meals. When parties begin holding mass rallies, they’ll offer thousands of poor attendees at least a T shirt and a meal. “Otherwise, what’s the point?” asks Edi Suyanto, a small construction contractor in East Jakarta. “It’s not selling votes; it’s a way for them to eat.”
Well, at least it’s not as easy for Golkar to buy votes as it once was. Many Suharto cronies who bankrolled the ruling party are now bankrupt. Investigators have seized a private Suharto foundation, which controlled a $100 million campaign war chest for Golkar. Jakarta’s newly free press recently exposed a donation from Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party to Golkar, which had to return the money.
A cleaner campaign profits all Indonesians. Hotels are packed with politicos plotting campaign strategy. Professionals are finding work as election monitors and campaign advisers. Even low-level civil servants like Wiwin Nugroho, 52, see the effects. Under the old regime, Wiwin says, she would be called to a pre-election ceremony at her office in Cirebon, where she would be told it was her duty to vote for Golkar–and to produce 10 additional votes as well. To meet her quota, she would summon home her children and other relatives who have moved to Jakarta, 150 miles away. The cost of bus fares, food and lodging for all those votes was a huge hit on her $50-a-month salary. But this year there are no more quotas, says Wiwin. “It’s a relief.” And another boost for the honest economy.
