So far, however, Democrat Ben Cardin has held Steele off—he’s leading by 7 points in the latest Rasmussen poll. The 10-term congressman from Baltimore has formed strong alliances in the state, including one with his primary opponent, Kweisi Mfume, the former president of the NAACP. In addition, Cardin, who voted against the Iraq-war resolution, has brought in Sen. Barack Obama and former president Bill Clinton to help shore up support among the base. Steele hopes his personal story and political virtues will overshadow Cardin’s efforts to lump him with President Bush. That may be tough: Bush personally asked Steele to run.
David Gerlach spoke with both candidates as part of NEWSWEEK’s ongoing Face Off series. Excerpts:
Rep. Ben Cardin
NEWSWEEK: How do you think Congress has changed in the 19 years you have been in office?
Ben Cardin: Two things disturb me. [First,] Congress is getting much more partisan, and [it’s] more difficult to get major issues moving forward. Second, the legislative process, the exchange of ideas, has been marginalized because so many bills come from outside sources and are brought up to vote without opportunity for amendments or anything else.
What do you mean that these bills come in from outside sources?
Look at how we made decisions of how we were going to try detainees. Wiretapping. Border security. None of those came through any legislative process.
Is there a piece of legislation that stands out to you as an example of working across party lines to get things done?
The Portman-Cardin pension bills [cosponsored by former congressman Rob Portman, an Ohio Republican] where we changed the ground rules for a major tax bill to include pensions. We got it done, and it made a major difference in people’s abilities to put money away for their own retirement. Those bills passed by overwhelming majorities when people thought it was not possible.
Some are calling this session a “do nothing” Congress. True or not?
The schedule of Congress was unprofessional. We weren’t in session enough for members to legislate. The greatest failure was its refusal to oversight the executive branch of government. We have not had independent or even congressional investigations where it was called for.
What should have been investigated?
The use of executive powers during the president’s definition of war. The use of warrants without court supervision. The use of torture. Detaining people without status. Congress should have exercised oversight.
Were you surprised during your recent debate in Baltimore when Mr. Steele said you have “not learned to look around the room and shut up and listen?”
People say things in the heat of debate. [But] people in the Third Congressional District know I’ve had numerous town-hall meetings during my career. My record is very clear. Quite frankly I enjoy very strong support [there].
Race has continued to pop up as an issue in this race. Why do you believe that black voters in Maryland would be better served by you than by your opponent?
There are significant differences between Mr. Steele and myself. In the African-American community, as well as in other communities in Maryland, they want their senator to put education as a top priority. They want a different budget than [what] President Bush has given. They want to invest in their own country. They want a different policy in Iraq. They don’t want to see Social Security privatized. They want to see stem-cell research advanced. On fundamental issues, the overwhelming majority of the African-American communities and other communities are going to come down on my side on these issues.
Your opponent has said that you supported moving FICA taxes to private accounts or market investments. Does that conflict with your views on privatizing Social Security?
My opponent is wrong. I have always been against taking any money out of Social Security to set up private accounts. What I have supported is supplemental accounts where we allow workers to put more money away for their own retirement to supplement their Social Security benefits.
How would you deal with Americans living without health insurance?
I voted for universal health coverage [on the Ways and Means Committee in 1994]. I’m one of three members that actually voted for it and is still in Congress. It’s got to be done. You can do it through government, employers or through individual mandate. Our current system uses all three. [In] the current political environment, we should be looking at the Massachusetts model, the individual mandate. That could get passed.
Many critics contend that raising the minimum wage would hurt the economy.
I disagree with that. History shows that is wrong. Every time we have increased the minimum wage, it has had a positive impact on the economy. Do you want to live in a country where you work 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, don’t take a single day off and you are living in poverty?
You have received union endorsements. What role do unions play in American society today?
They are important to speak out for workers rights. We have seen corporate greed take over in America. Bankruptcy—this leadership [in Washington] wants to deny to consumers who’ve gotten in trouble with [credit-card debt], but they allow bankruptcy to be used by companies to rid themselves of their pension liability to their rank and file.
In 2002, you said regarding invading Iraq: “I have grave concerns about the consequences of unilateral preemptive military attack by the United States. Such a course of action could endanger our global coalition against terrorism, particularly from our moderate Arab allies. It also may increase terrorism activities around the world.” How did you come to this conclusion?
I went up to that little room on the fourth floor of the Capitol that has all the classified information that members of Congress can read. I listened to everything I possibly could. [I] did not accept what I was being told by the administration or what both political parties were saying. I came to a couple of very definitive conclusions: one, Iraq was not involved in the attack on September 11, which was the principle reason to use force. Secondly, Iraq did not have a nuclear-weapons program. And third, the troubling information about Iraq as far as the U.S. was concerned, was they supposedly had weapons of mass destruction. All the evidence indicated that they were being used internally, which is horrible, but not against U.S. international interests. There was no justification to use force. It was not a difficult decision. It was an unpopular decision. Unfortunately exactly what I said before the vote has come true.
Lt. Gov. Michael Steele
NEWSWEEK: What was it like to get telephone calls from President Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney, urging you to run for the Senate?
Michael Steele: It’s very humbling and certainly one of those things you don’t expect. At the same time, it was a very personal decision that would have an impact on my family.
Were you concerned that you have not been a legislator before?
Having run against all of the odds in 2002 with Gov. [Robert] Ehrlich and having gotten elected, I figured we climbed one of the tougher parts of the mountain. Obviously, the overall [political] climate in the country with Republicans generally, and the president’s approval rating in my state is very low, and certainly among the African-American community was extremely low, all of those were considerations. But if you really believed you can go in and make a difference and make a loud noise, you look past that and do it.
In 1978, you worked on the mayoral campaign of Democrat Marion Barry in Washington, D.C. When did you switch to the GOP?
I’ve always been a Republican. Look, that was the only game in town. We weren’t running Republican candidates for office in 1978. Not in D.C. He was an inspiring figure. He was a grass-roots guy who knew how and still does know how to connect with people. The core of what we do has to emanate from actually caring about the people you serve.
Were your parents Democrats while you were growing up?
My parents were Roosevelt Democrats.
What was it like at the dinner table?
Oh, we had fun. My dad liked to say some of the most outlandish stuff just to get me fired up. To test my mettle … I learned about the Republican Party. That [the GOP] was the political home of African-Americans. For almost 100 years we voted 90-10 for Republicans. I tell the GOP all the time: the challenge is not bringing African-Americans back to the Republican Party but rather taking the Republican Party back into the black community.
You have a knack for sound bites on the campaign trail. What did you mean when you said the “hood is going to show up on the Hill?”
I can speak the language of the boardroom or the language of the street corner. It is important for people to know that someone can, at least on a base level, identify with their story, their community.
In a recent debate, you told your opponent he needs “to learn to shut up and listen.”
That’s a lesson my mother taught me. [Ben Cardin] had gone on this diatribe about George Bush and me and all this other nonsense, totally ignoring the fact that there was another individual [Kevin Zeese, nominated by the Green, Libertarian and Populist parties] on stage who had every right to be there.
Are you saying he is not listening to the voters in his district? He has been elected 10 times.
He’s been re-elected with no opposition, so what does that say? You want to know the core of the disconnect [in the United States] right now? People feel forgotten. That their government is some other entity outside of them. That’s what this whole [Mark] Foley mess is all about. When you get to Washington you forget why you’re there. You don’t go there to fool around and act stupid.
Some in Washington have been calling for Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to resign.
The strategy being executed [in Iraq] can be improved. What are the benchmarks? What is the strategy to win? Any attempt by me casting a vote of no confidence in the secretary of Defense is meaningless. He’s not going anywhere unless the president fires him or he quits. This is part of the background noise of Washington.
Turning to domestic concerns, what do you think of an idea floated by New York City’s Republican Mayor Michael Bloomberg to offer conditional cash transfers, or payments, to reward poor people for good behavior—such as staying in school and regularly seeing the doctor? The program has been used in parts of Mexico and Brazil.
I am unfamiliar with what he is proposing. But why would you pay people to be good? That sounds like something your mother or father would do with your weekly allowance. The government is not my father or my mother.
What is the purpose of government?
I see the government as a limited-purpose entity. The government’s purpose is to provide for the common defense and the common good and welfare of the country by making sure that a safety net is there for the least fortunate among us.
The Supreme Court will be ruling on the partial-birth-abortion ban passed by Congress in 2003, but overturned by lower federal courts. Are you hoping to see the ruling reversed?
I’m not hoping for anything. I do not support partial-birth abortion. I think, based on my understanding of the law, they will uphold that ban.
You have also stated that you are against the death penalty. Does that arise from your Roman Catholic upbringing?
Yes. I am pro-life. That means I value life in the womb and however else I find it. In terms of the death penalty, using it as a deterrent, I don’t see much success. I understand the hurt that comes from having someone taken from you violently.
The minimum wage in Maryland was raised earlier this year to $6.15 an hour. Were you in support of this increase?
The [governor] was against that. I support the governor’s decision. As a candidate for the U.S. Senate, I hold a different view. As a senator I would support an increase [in the federal minimum wage] provided that it is coupled with the appropriate incentives for business.
In one of your recent campaign ads, you contend that your opponent has accepted money from special interests over the last 20 years. Is he accepting money that you are not, whether it’s from PACs or lobbyists?
I’m taking money from groups. But I haven’t cast one vote [in Congress]. [ Laughs .] In one sense that is the point; I’m working within the system that Mr. Cardin has created. We should be seriously looking at changing that system. Under McCain-Feingold, you can raise $2,100 from an individual or $5,000 from a PAC. If you have a $10 million campaign, what does the math tell you to do?
You once studied to be a priest. You worked for a prestigious law firm. Struggled to start your own business. What does this all mean to voters?
[ Laughs .] That’s a good question. I have been blessed from the time I was a little boy to the present day to do some incredibly unimaginable things. God is smiling. My mother raised me well. And I have a responsibility to give back as much as I can.
