The president has always taken a hard-line view of the Stalinist leader. After all, he told Bob Woodward in 2001 that he had “a visceral reaction” to Kim because he was starving his own people. Bush seemed personally moved and shocked by the intelligence reports on North Korea’s extensive prison camps. “I loathe Kim Jong Il,” he declared. Even in the final months of the 2000 campaign, Bush’s senior aides were disgusted by the Clinton administration’s diplomatic overtures to North Korea.
If anything, Bush’s views on North Korea seem to have hardened over the last five years. At his White House press conference with the Japanese Prime Minister last week, Bush made it clear that he spent much of his time with Junichiro Koizumi talking about North Korea. In the middle of talking about missiles and defense postures, Bush spoke extensively about an Oval Office meeting in April with two families—one, the Japanese family of a teenager abducted by North Korea; the other, a family of defectors from the North.
Calling that session “one of the most touching moments of my presidency,” Bush explained how deeply he felt for the Japanese family. “It really broke my heart,” he explained. “I just could not imagine what it would be like to have somebody have taken, you know, my daughter—one of my daughters—and never be able to see her again … It also reminded me about the nature of the regime. What kind of regime would kidnap people, just take them offshore?”
Given that sense of outrage, you might expect the White House to respond aggressively to the missile launches. Instead, the official position has been relatively low key. Steve Hadley, Bush’s national-security adviser, merely called the launches “provocative behavior.” John Bolton, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations (and one of the most vocal hawks against North Korea), played down the prospects of pushing any new sanctions through the Security Council. “I think there is support for sending a clear signal to Pyongyang, and we’ll proceed to see if we can’t get that done in the next few days,” he said in an unusually meek style.
Why was there such a mild response to the missile launches when the administration spoke so darkly about them before they took place? One explanation is that the launches were a flop. “You have to remember that they fired six missiles of short- to medium-range that splashed into the ocean,” said one senior administration official. “That technology stems from World War II. And the other longer-range missile failed 42 seconds after launch. What was Kim Jong Il thinking? Did he improve his negotiating position? Does it strike fear into the hearts of those who sit down with him?”
Another explanation for the low-key response is that the administration is pushing at an open door. Its only demand is for North Korea to return to the six-party talks—not for sanctions to topple the regime, which China would never impose. China already supports a return to the talks, which it has hosted, and rejects what it considers to be emotional talk of sanctions at the U.N.
That begs another question: why did the White House ramp up its indignation before the missile launch? The answer to that may well lie in its own relationship with Japan, especially on the eve of Koizumi’s visit. Until now, Bush’s aides have dismissed North Korea’s missile tests as no additional security threat. But they have been determined to demonstrate to Japan that they share their security concerns as a way of sustaining the U.S.-Japan alliance—in contrast to the weaker rhetoric that surrounded the North’s long-range missile test in 1998.
When it comes to the diplomacy surrounding North Korea, the Bush administration believes its biggest help comes from Pyongyang’s own blunders. With enemies like North Korea, the president’s aides think there’s little need to go on the warpath.
Eyes Wide Shut
When Bush’s approval ratings hit new lows last spring, Judy Baar Topinka, like many GOP candidates around the country, moved to distance herself from the president. Topinka, an Illinois Republican who is seeking to unseat Democratic Gov. Rob Blagojevich, downplayed the role White House officials played in her decision to join the race, although she had already told reporters that she was heavily recruited by Karl Rove and other Bush aides.
But the biggest swipe at the president came in April, when columnist George F. Will asked Topinka if she’d like Bush to campaign for her . According to Will, the Illinois Republican stood by as a top aide answered the question for her. “We just want him to raise money,” the unnamed aide told the columnist. “Late at night. In an undisclosed location.” When the comments made big news, Topinka reportedly called Rove to smooth things out and to put in her request for an appearance with Bush. At the time, a White House spokeswoman acknowledged the request and told reporters it would be added to “a long list.”
That was three months ago. On Friday, Bush is scheduled to headline a fund-raising luncheon for Topinka at the Drake Hotel in Chicago, hardly an undisclosed location. The event is expected to raise more than $1 million and is reportedly expected to be the biggest Topinka fund-raiser of the campaign. In announcing Bush’s visit, Topinka told reporters last month that she was happy to appear with the president and that she “expected a lot of support” from Washington and other GOP notables around the country, including Sen. John McCain—who will appear at a Topinka event later this summer.
While some Republicans have avoided being photographed with Bush on the trail, the president continues to be a huge draw on the fund-raising circuit. According to the Republican National Committee, Bush has appeared at more than 40 money events for GOP candidates during this midterm election, raising more than $130 million (more than the president raised during the 2002 midterms). And that total is expected to increase as the election inches closer. In August, Bush is expected to spend a few weeks at his Texas ranch, but administration officials say Bush also plans several day trips stumping for GOP candidates around the country during the congressional recess.
